Maalan Narayanan
Pondy Bazaar ever bustling main marketplace in the heart of Chennai was relatively quiet due to lockdown on September 17. A horse drawn carriage, the one normally used in wedding processions was parked in the street. Men and women dressed in gaudy colours with glistening chumkis on their clothes were waiting to dance. Suddenly crackers boomed. Parai a drum once associated with Dalits and now a symbol of rebellion, started thundering their beats. And there arrived Dr.Murugan, president of BJP’s Tamilnadu unit arrived. He was taken on a ride in the carriage, on a procession despite the ban by AIADMK rulers, to his office, two blocks away where a 70 feet long cake was waiting to be cut, to commemorate the 70th birthday of the Prime Minister. Such ostentatious displays are not uncommon in Dravidian parties, but it is alien to BJP in Tamilnadu till now. Perhaps BJP is trying to enamour Tamil voters by casting itself under a new avatar.
Murugan 43, a Dalit lawyer with Masters in International Law, was a surprise pick by the BJP high command, which was dithering for over seven months to fill the vacancy caused by Dr Tamilisai Soundararajan on her appointment as Governor of Telangana. The choice of Murugan was surprising not just because he was little-known in the political circles compared to several senior leaders, like former union minister Pon. Radhakrishnan, H. Raja, and Vanathi Srinivasan. Tamil Media were speculating that one among these three will be chosen to lead Tamilnadu BJP, as Tamilnadu assembly elections were not far away.
It was not without a mission Murugan was chosen. The mission was to recast the image of BJP which is perceived by many in Tamilnadu, as an upper caste, urban, north Indian party vis-a-vis Dravidian parties. Murugan, sources say, was asked to build a base for BJP among Dalits, who are in splinter groups. It is to be noted that none of the Dravidian majors has a Dalit at their helm of affairs.
Murugan has begun his mission with a bang of Parai. Soon after his induction in March, he was able to rope in May, V.P. Duraisamy, former deputy speaker of Tamilnadu assembly and a disgruntled Dalit leader in DMK. V.P.Duraisamy is now accommodated as one of the vice president of the state unit.
When he reconstituted his team of state office bearers he has picked most of his teammates from OBCs and Brahmins are sidelined. Among the 11 state vice presidents, none of them are Brahmins. And among the four state general secretaries. but for K.T.Raghavan, all are OBCs.
However, sources in BJP explain that this is not a new phenomenon and it is in vogue at the national level for over two decades. Recalling the ‘social engineering’ concept of Govindacharya, they point out, OBC leaders have emerged in BJP after Ram Janma Bhoomi movement itself and cite Narendra Modi, Kalyan Singh, Uma Bharathi (all were chief ministers once during the ’90s and 2000s). In Tamilnadu, the last Brahmin president was L.Ganesan, and that was before 2004, they point out
But it is to be seen whether the UP model of social engineering will yield desired results in the land that takes a fancy to Tamil and Dravidian identity than caste pride. Perhaps keeping that in mind BJP’s Tamilnadu Unit has successfully drawn heavyweights from Dravidian parties to its fold in recent years. V.P.Duraisamy (formerly DMK and a former Deputy Speaker) Nainar Nagendran ( Former AIADMK Minister) A. Bhaskar (Former DMDK MLA ) P.Karthiyayini (Former Mayor of Vellore from AIADMK) . All of them are accommodated in plum posts in the state BJP’s team. Annamalai an officer from Indian Police service, perceived to be Rajanikanth’s man was catapulted to the position of State vice president within 3days of his joining the party.
Of course, there were grumblings, though in a minuscule level, that those who slogged for years were ignored or sidelined while party hoppers and power mongers are rewarded. But Prof.R.Srinivasan, one of the vice presidents of state BJP, defend these appointments as “lateral insertions”. He said to Open: “ Earlier heavyweights from other parties were reluctant to cross over to BJP. The hopping was taking between DMK and ADMK. Rangarajan Kumaramangalam and Su. Thirunavukarasar were exceptions. Rangarajan joined us from Congress and Thirunavukarasar merged his party with us. Both of them were given ministerial berths in Vajpayee’s government. Now, because of BJP’s growing presence, senior leaders from other leaders joining the party. Considering their political work for decades at ground level, It will not be proper to ask them to start from scratch. These lateral insertions are natural and inevitable for any party that is gaining grounds”
Leaving nothing to chance in gaining grounds, glamorous faces from the tinsel town have also found their way into the party. Namitha Vankawala one of the romantic heroines of Tamil, Telugu and Kannada screen is a member of the state executive of the party. He was in Tamil Bigg Boss last year. Another starlet, who made ripples in Bigg Boss, is appointed as Secretary of the Cultural Wing of the party. It is interesting to note that she was expelled from the party by Dr Tamilisai in 2018 but has become a prodigal daughter now. Radha Ravi, another actor who was notorious for misogyny, is given membership in the party, though not any position. He is a son of M.R.Radha a former actor who was a staunch loyalist of Periyar E.V.Ramasami
Rationalist Periyar, the founding father of Dravidian ideology, still remains a challenge for Hindutva BJP. It is neither able to dismiss him outright nor to accommodate him. It is an interesting irony in history as Periyar and Modi share a common date of birth. During the birthday celebrations of Modi, television mikes popped up before Murugan and he was asked why he has not extended greetings on the birth anniversary of Periyar. Without hesitation, Murugan responded, “ There is no second
opinion that Periyar slogged for social justice. We have no hesitation in extending our greetings to him”. Later in the evening Vaanathi Srinivasan, a vice president, echoed a similar line in a TV debate. Murugan’s remark gained significance because it is for the first time a BJP president is speaking positively about Periyar. It may be an intended strategy, hoping such a fresh thinking on Periyar may help to break the barrier in reaching out to the unreached sections of the voters or at least will take the winds out of the sails of the Dravidian parties at the hustings.
But Murugan’s remark is not relished by seniors. S.Gurumurthy, RSS ideologue and Editor of the weekly Thuglak, has reminded the damage Periyar’s association caused to congress in 1967 elections and warned the serious repercussions it could create for BJP if it moves closer to Periyar. In 1967, Periyar out rightly supported Congress and Kamaraj’s leadership. He even went to the extent of dubbing Anti Hindi agitation led by DMK as ‘riots by anti social elements’. Gurumurthy points out that the nationalist votes which were polled traditionally to Congress migrated to DMK alliance, as Periyar was perceived as one who was against nationalism. Congress was disseminated in that elections, lost power and could not regain it till date.
It was not long ago, on 25th December 2019, on his death anniversary, BJP’s IT wing stoked a controversy through a tweet that was taking a dig on Periyar’s personal life. Periyar married Manniammai when he was 69 and when she was 31. “Today is the death anniversary of Maniammai’s father Periyar. Let us support the death penalty for people who sexually assault children and take the pledge that we will create a society without any Posco accused,” the BJP tweeted. When the tweet evoked strong criticism from all the alliance parties, including AIADMK and PMK, it was deleted quickly.
This tweet and Murugan’s instantaneous, untutored response on EVR suggests that Tamilnadu unit of BJP is in a dilemma over the question whether to acknowledge some his principles or not even while strongly condemning his anti-God, anti-Brahmin stance.
BJP high command’s position on this is not clear but it seems to have given a hint by dropping H.Raja, a vociferous critic of Periyar and a Brahmin from the list of national office bearers. What is more surprising is no one from Tamilnadu is inducted into the national team. It may not be due to the poor performance at the Lok Sabha polls. Jana Krishnamurthy and Govindacharya served as National President and General Secretary respectively when BJP was stumbling to find its feet.
Another dilemma Tamilnadu BJP is facing is the alliance question. Amidst the potshots between AIADMK ministers and BJP functionaries, V.P.Duraisamy on August 30 declared that “ we are growing fast in Tamil Nadu. Like-minded parties would be part of the alliance, we will lead them because we are a national party,” Very next day on Aug 31, BJP chief Murugan claimed, “The BJP has chances of victory in at least 60 constituencies even if it contests alone”. But by the first week of October, Tamilnadu BJP chief toned down his claim, after Modi praising AIADMK’s governance, that they will continue with AIADMK’s alliance and the question of power sharing will be resolved after the elections. Yet it is secretly yearning for Rajanikanth’s arrival in the electoral arena, BJP sources indicate.
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AIADMK is in the midst of a fratricidal cold war over the chief ministerial candidate for the ensuing assembly elections. Secret parleys for and against key aspirants are incumbent chief minister Eadappadi K.Palani Swamy (EPS) and the former chief mister O.Panner Selvam (OPS) are taking place. In the recently held party’s executive meeting both were trading critical remarks against each other in holds no bar fashion. OPS was handpicked by Jayalalithaa thrice to hold the office of Chief Minister whenever she could not remain in that seat due to imprisonment on corruption charges or for health reasons. EPS was Sasikala’s choice when OPS rebelled against her after Jayalalithaa’s death.
But the real tussle is not for CM’s chair but to hold the reins of the party. AIADMK is facing a huge challenge in the upcoming assembly elections amidst many odds. Charismatic Jayalalithaa is not around. After 10 years of continuous stint, anti-incumbency is staring at face. DMK is drumming up that AIADMK post Jayalalitha is a protégé of Modi. Some of the centre’s decisions like NEET, veiled Hindi dominance, NEP, are projected as anti-Tamil moves by a section of the media and the propaganda is AIADMK government is inept in handling these issues. In this context power in the party, rather than in government, becomes crucial. OPS is pressing for a steering committee of 11 leaders but EPS rejects the idea.
Factional fight is not uncommon in AIADMK. Even while MGR was alive, Jayalalithaa faced it. RM Veerapan’s faction was trying to cut her to the size which ultimately led to the fall of government after MGR’s death. Party split into two as AIADMK Janaki (MGR’s wife) and AIADMK Jayalathia. Both the factions contested in the 1989 assembly elections bereft of MGR’s magic symbol Two Leaves.
After learning bitter lessons both the factions merged and Jayalalitha became the supremo. Yet, unable to stomach Jayalalitha’s style of functioning, splinter groups like the one led by Thirunavukarasar left the party to form their outfit. After Jayalalitha’s demise, the party broke again with Dinakaran, Sasikala’s nephew leading the split. All these splits were not ideological differences but were the outcome of the power struggle between the different factions. Now, Karnataka prison administration, in a reply to a RTI petition has informed that Sasikala is likely to be released in January 2021, ahead of elections. Both EPS and OPS are not willing to accept Sasikala or Dinakaran back into the party. What is in store for AIADMK is a million dollar question now. If one goes by its history it may break, yet it may fuse again if nobody gains in the split.
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Though DMK has not commented officially on the internal bickering of AIADMK it must be watching the developments with glee. Brimming with confidence, it is already in an exuberant mood and it has reasons to be so. In the bipolar politics of Tamilnadu, if AIADMK weakens DMK gains. Party units at the grassroots are enthusiastic and are already in the campaign. Thanks to Prashant Kishor’s I-PAC, it has improved its optics. Its. DMK circles claim that its recent online membership campaign has evoked a positive response. More importantly, as of now, the DMK alliance appears to be intact. It may be recalled in 2019 Loksabha elections this alliance won hands down in 38 seats out of 39.
But its allies have already started excreting pressure for increased allocation of seats for them. This may be an attempt to pre-empt DMK ‘s moves to keep a larger chunk of seats for itself so that it can form the government on its own. TNCC president K.S.Alagiri, recently stated, “Our alliance will form the next Government” and if the recent remarks of TNCC president is an indication, Congress may push for a share in power. VCK may follow suit.
Not long ago, in January 2020, soon after the local body elections Congress and DMK were trading charges of backstabbing against each other. At that time Alagiri had said that Congress was not allowed a fair number of posts of local bodies chiefs by the lead partner DMK and this went against “coalition dharma”. Reacting vehemently to Alagiri, DMK boycotted the all party meeting convened by Congress on CAA. T.R. Balu retorted “ Time will tell about getting ties normal”
But unlike Balu, Duraimurugan was outspoken. He didn’t mince the words when he said, “ We are not bothered. If congress leaves the alliance we are not the losers. Congress has no vote bank in the state”
Now again, Duraimurugan strikes back. Sensing the allies mood, Duraimurugan, DMK’s new general secretary, recently commented in an interview, “Some may walk out of the alliance on the pretext that an adequate number of seats were not allocated to them. Some others may walk in. It is quite normal. Only after seat allocations, one will come to know who is with whom and who is against whom”
Apart from strategies and campaigns, history shows electoral arithmetic is important for Tamilnadu political parties, more so for DMK. In 2016 assembly polls, DMK alliance missed power by a whisker. The difference in the votes polled between AIADMK and DMK alliance is just 1.03% AIADMK polled 17,66,17,060 votes and DMK alliance polled 1,71,75,374. It was widely believed, the spoiler was the Third front, a coalition of DMDK, MDMK, VCK, and Communists.
Elections, like IPL, have become a game of glorious uncertainties. Tamilnadu is no exception.
Open Magazine 26 Oct 2020
